Another morning-after-Election Day tradition is the postmortem. Every political demise has a hundred etiologies. The letter from James Comey? The weather in Wisconsin? These days, the culprit many people settle on is the Internet. A tool that the Trump campaign, whatever else you want to say about them, used quite effectively. The Internet Research Agency, a troll farm associated with Putin, purchased thirty-five hundred Facebook ads between and ; Parscale and his team bought millions. None of this is evidence of election-related malfeasance, however.
Most social platforms have rules against harassment, hate speech, and violent threats, but they have usually granted exceptions to those rules when the boundaries are tested by a Presidential campaign, or by the President. Parscale used Facebook to move fast and break things, but it seems that the things he broke were long-standing norms, not laws.
An average person, given enough time and money and support, can use Facebook to help a demagogue win a national election. Parscale often tweaks his biography, in Trumpian fashion, to suit his immediate needs. Sometimes he portrays himself as having been an aimless rube before a fortuitous encounter with Donald Trump. I lived in Texas. They tried to push our voice out.
He attended the University of Texas, San Antonio, on a basketball scholarship, then transferred to Trinity University, a nearby liberal-arts school, to study business. Shortly after graduation, in , he moved to Orange County in California to work for his father, who was then the C.
The company filed for bankruptcy in , and Brad Parscale returned to San Antonio. Later, in an interview with the Palm Beach Post , he recalled visiting a bookstore and asking for the best-selling book in the business section, which turned out to be an instructional text about Web development.
In , he founded a Web-development company called Parscale Media. Actually, Parscale Media, which was run out of a small office next to a tattoo parlor, mostly produced simple sites on behalf of brick-and-mortar businesses around town—Finck Cigar Company, Texas Hill Country Landscaping.
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But Parscale was also open to political commissions. Tough Justice for the Criminal. Parscale was also beginning to experiment with social-media marketing, which allowed him to measure, with ever more empirical specificity, where people were likely to focus their attention. The accompanying profile was mostly adulatory.
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At one point, Zuckerberg receives a friendly visit from the director of the F. So if Nike wants its ads shown only to people ages 19 to 26 who live in Arizona and like Nickelback, Facebook can make that happen. Giles and Parscale owned two of the more ambitious Web-design businesses in town, and the merger allowed them to focus on their respective strengths: Giles made everything look good, and Parscale made everything work on the back end.
The company moved to a tonier office across town and took on more lucrative clients—the University of Texas, ExxonMobil, a few real-estate agencies in New York. Public records suggest that he registered to vote for the first time at the age of twenty-seven. Around , Parscale was at an IHOP , eating a ham-and-cheese omelette, when he got an e-mail from a woman who worked for the Trump Organization.
Trump International Realty needed a new Web site, and she invited Parscale to bid on the project. Four months later, when Trump announced his candidacy, Parscale, this time charging ten thousand dollars, updated and expanded it to turn it into a full-fledged campaign site.
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By then, Parscale had mastered the second requirement for anyone who wants to do business with Trump: obsequious public displays of loyalty. The next day, the decision was abruptly reversed. Trump, who adores television and does not seem to know how to use a computer, was dubious. Eventually, other Trump family members called to talk him down, and he decided to stay on. After that, Trump either changed his mind or stopped paying attention.
The campaign had its headquarters on the fifth floor of Trump Tower, but Parscale ran his operation from San Antonio, in a makeshift office near the airport. Project Alamo soon grew to more than a hundred people, including campaign staffers, employees of the Republican National Committee, and venders from various tech companies. If each variation is counted as a distinct ad, then the Trump campaign, all told, ran 5. The Clinton campaign ran sixty-six thousand.
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Anyone with a lot of money can buy a lot of ads, but what really matters is measurement, because without that you have no idea which ads are having any effect. Clients decide which metrics they want maximized—often some quantitative measure of success on Google and Facebook, which together control about half of the online ad market—and the ad-tech firms optimize for that outcome. In the summer of , Parscale hired two leading ad-tech firms—Sprinklr, based in New York, and Kenshoo, based in Tel Aviv—to send subcontractors to work for him in San Antonio. Sprinklr also assigned remote employees, stationed in various time zones, to crunch numbers at all hours.
What do you recommend? Not because we don't love talking travel obviously , but because these clog up the feed, and let's face it, are a little lazy.
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